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The two tasks of political Andalusianism. For our right to decide everything

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發表於 2024-3-16 12:33:30 | 只看該作者 回帖獎勵 |倒序瀏覽 |閱讀模式
The Galician elections confirm a scenario and a trend that has been occurring since the crisis of the Spanish left and the rise of sovereignist and popular forces. Although the new policy emerged as a confederal articulation of state left parties ( Podemos and IU ) and sovereign territorial spaces ( Anova, Comunes, Compromís ), the inability of the state left to respect and build from below with local forces has taken to irrelevance in the majority of territories where there is a sovereign force. In Catalonia, Euskadi, Valencia and Galicia, where Podemos used to be the first force in the general elections, they have become irrelevant forces in the regional parliaments and non-existent in the political and social life of these nations. The trend, although less marked, is also occurring in Andalusia. If Podemos and Izquierda Unida had obtained the sum of twenty deputies in 2015, and 17 in 2018, in the Andalusian regional elections of 2022 the distribution was left with 1 IU, 3 Podemos, 1 Más País (all of them in Por Andalucía) and 2 deputies obtained by the new Andalusian coalition Adelante Andalucía.

THE NATION AGAINST THE STATE
Therefore, the trend is towards the decline of the centralist, reformist, bureaucratic left, conceived from the center of the State, while we witness the birth and emergence of political spaces rooted from below, self-centered, that defend the AQB Directory end of national oppression, political dependence and cultural inferiorization. The emergence of these spaces is conditioned to the degree of national and popular consciousness in each of the oppressed nations of the State. It is evident that the existence of an organized labor movement, of its own bourgeoisie, of a linguistic or geographical fact, are elements that accelerate the processes of national awareness. But also the development of a bourgeoisie collaborating with state elites allows for the greater development of a self-centered cultural, political and media space. This is clearly the case of Catalonia and the Basque Country.



In the case of Andalusia, the national awareness movement has all the difficulties ahead. There is no proper bourgeoisie, because the way in which the conquest of Al-Andalus was developed generated a vast aristocratic class of Castilian origin that prevented the development of a bourgeoisie from below that would push certain bourgeois-democratic reforms in the 19th and 20th centuries. In Andalucia. The Andalusian linguistic fact, although it is a mobilizing agent of young people in defense of our culture and our way of being and being in the world, is not yet transferable to electoral support. There is also no differentiating geographic fact. The symbolic border could be Despeñaperros, but Andalusian society itself is a society of borders, therefore of crossings, of centers that are peripheries and of arrival points that are starting points. Sierra Morena has historically been the border with Castilla, the Campo de Gibraltar with Africa, the ports of Cádiz and Seville with the Caribbean and Latin America.

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